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ConservativeVoice

FACTS that DRIVE other races perception of BLACKS: 1) 93% of blacks killed... killed by blacks, 2) Blacks commit violent crime 7-10X the rate of whites, 3) Black crime in '40-'50's was LOWER than whites, 4) CONNECTION between family breakdown and crime !

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2 hours ago, ROG62 said:

"Your people "...who are those people?...not my people, not elton's...

Political conservatives

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2 hours ago, ROG62 said:

And yet you believe you came from rock...got it...

 

This guy is considered to be the world's smartest conservative.

 

 

BWAAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA!

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4 hours ago, impartialobserver said:

Black on black crime is garden variety. Drug deals gone bad, turf wars, domestic disputes have been happening for centuries. Hence, why folks do not get outraged at every instance. 

 

The PROBLEM, is they get so wound up about ONE black man, who was killed by a white cop... a killing that the ENTIRE Nation CONDEMNED... INCLUDING 99% of Whites, Conservatives, and Republicans !! But they STILL spawned RIOTS, LOOTING, and CHAOS that spiked crime and murder to double the normal rate... which caused THOUSANDS of more black people die than would have... and THEY CALL THAT GOOD?

 

It seems the ONLY black lives that matter, are the handful of blacks killed by WHITES !!  WHY doesn't anyone care about the THOUSANDS killed by BLACKS ?

 

AREN'T THEY just as DEAD ?

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Dems were the racists, are the racists, and forever will be the racists. Biden supporters are burning and looting. Dems support racism and anarchy. Trump in a landslide. 

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8 hours ago, Scout said:

 

That is because you are not well informed.

 

It's because you're making shit up.

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12 hours ago, Scout said:

 

Conservatives claim a zygote is a human being with equal value to a REAL human being.

See what I mean about facts not being important in here?  

 

 

Ok.. when does a zygote become a human being?  Scientifically speaking.

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19 hours ago, ConservativeVoice said:

FACTS that DRIVE other races perception of BLACKS: 

 

-   Data shows that 93 percent of black homicide victims are killed by other blacks.

The left’s rebuttal is that that 84 percent of white homicide victims are killed by other whites, but The Wall Street Journal‘s Jason Riley points out that the white crime rate is “much lower than the black rate.”  ...When CRIME rates go UP... that ALMOST ALWAYS means BLACKS are being affected worse than whites... because MOST of the crime is black on black !!.

 

-   Blacks commit violent crimes at 7 to 10 times the rate that whites do.

Blacks committed 52 percent of homicides between 1980 and 2008, despite composing just 13 percent of the population. Across the same timeframe, whites committed 45 percent of homicides while composing 77% of the population, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics.  ...When CRIME rates go UP... that ALMOST ALWAYS means BLACKS are being affected worse than whites... because MOST of the crime is black on black !!.

 

-  Black crime is even more prevalent in the country’s largest cities and counties.

Heather Mac Donald writes in her book The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe that in Chicago, IL, blacks committed 76 percent of all homicides, despite composing 35 percent of the city’s population.  ...When CRIME rates go UP... that ALMOST ALWAYS means BLACKS are being affected worse than whites... because MOST of the crime is black on black !!.

 

-  There were almost 6,000 blacks killed by other blacks in 2015.

By contrast, only 258 blacks were killed by police gunfire that year.  and the VAST majority of those were NOT of the George Floyde variety... MOST of the time police kill to NOT BE killed

 

-  “Black crime rates were lower in the 1940s and 1950s, when black poverty was higher” and “racial discrimination was rampant and legal.”

If it’s not racism and poverty that are blame for the high black crime rate, then what is?  WHAT is it INDEED ?

 

-  There is a CORRELATION between family breakdown and black youth violence.”

As economist Thomas Sowell points out, before the 1960s “most black children were raised in two-parent families.” In 2013, over 72 percent of blacks were born out of wedlock. In Cook County –which Chicago belongs to – 79 percent of blacks were born to single mothers in 2003, while only 15 percent of whites were born to single mothers.  IF you want to blame THIS on a WHITE man... THAT white man would be Lyndon B. Johnson... and the Democrat Party in general... because THAT is EXACTLY when LBJ's WELFARE State began... and his war on poverty created WELFARE Mothers, and WELFARE families !!

 

https://www.dailywire.com/news/7-statistics-you-need-know-about-black-black-crime-aaron-bandler

 

Liberals will IGNORE this... and blacks will PRETEND that it's not true... BUT, IT IS !!

 

SO, one black person is killed by a white police officer, and the LIBERAL NATION RIOTS for  MONTHS... Yet, THOUSANDS of blacks are killed by other blacks in the inner cities of America EVERY YEAR... and Liberals IGNORE it?  and that was BEFORE the Democratic DRIVE to de-fund Police... which has caused crime and murder to DOUBLE... or MORE !!

 

QUESTION... are the ONLY "Black Lives that MATTER", the blacks who are killed by whites?  BUT NOT the Blacks KILLED by other Blacks ??

 

WAKE UP Liberals... WAKE UP AMERICA !!!

Facts are RACIST!!!! Over 70+% of black moms are single mothers.

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15 hours ago, Scout said:

 

I notice you don't give the percentage of blacks in American who are employed.  

Likely you have no fucking idea. 

 

Niiiiice.

 

When you are like the threadstarter here/jealous of negros and angry that they sexed your wife, then of course, you will never give honest information about negros benefiting the USA.

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If you don’t believe systemic racism is real, explain these statistics

 

No surprise there. ...attorney general, acting homeland security secretary and national security adviser — have dismissed the notion that systemic racism infects police departments or the criminal justice system more broadly.

 

Trump might have heard a different perspective in Dallas had he bothered to include the local police chief, sheriff or district attorney, all African Americans. The district attorney, John Creuzot, would have been enlightening. “Well, that’s not reality,” Creuzot told CNN’s Chris Cuomo about Trump’s bad-apples assessment. “I think any serious person who wants to be honest about these issues understands that there is systemic racism not only in police institutions but in most of our American institutions.”

 

Trump, ever unimpeded by confrontations with uncomfortable reality, blusters on. But the evidence of systemic racism, as my colleague Radley Balko has concluded after an examination of the academic literature, “isn’t just convincing — it’s overwhelming.”

 

For those who reflexively bristle at the term, Balko makes an important point: To declare the system racist is not to brand those who participate in it as intentionally, repugnantly, guilty of prejudice. It is to say that “we have systems and institutions that produce racially disparate outcomes, regardless of the intentions of the people who work within them.”

 

If you question the accuracy of that statement, please explain:

 

● Why study after study shows that police disproportionately stop African American drivers and disproportionately search African American drivers after stopping them, even though they tend to find less contraband.

A study published last month of nearly 100 million traffic stops by police departments nationwide found that black drivers were far more likely to be pulled over than white drivers. But, interestingly, the difference becomes smaller at night, when it’s harder for police to see the race of the driver. Coincidence? I think not.

Meanwhile, black and Hispanic drivers “were searched about twice as often as stopped white drivers”— even though black and, to an even greater extent, Hispanic drivers were less likely than whites to be found with drugs.

 

● Why a study of police-shooting databases published by the National Academy of Sciences found that African American men were about 2 1/times more likely than white men to be killed by police. “Men of color face a non-trivial lifetime risk of being killed by police,” the authors wrote. For African American men, the lifetime risk of dying at the hands of police was 1 in 1,000.

The Post’s own comprehensive examination of police shootings showed that black Americans account for just 13 percent of the population but one-fourth of shooting victims. Among unarmed victims, the disparity was even greater: More than one-third of those fatally shot were black.

 

● Why African Americans are far more likely to be arrested for petty crimes. A 2018 study exposed “profound racial disparity in the misdemeanor arrest rate for most — but not all — offense types.” The black arrest rate was at least twice as high as that for whites for disorderly conduct, drug possession, simple assault, theft, vagrancy and vandalism.

2020 study of marijuana possession arrests by the American Civil Liberties Union concluded that even in an era of legalization and decriminalization, there were “stark racial disparities” in possession arrests, with a black person more than 3 1/times more likely to be arrested for possession than a white person, even though rates of usage are similar. The disparities exist “across the country, in every state, in counties large and small, urban and rural, wealthy and poor, and with large and small black populations.”

 

This is just one aspect of a broader problem of racial disparities in our criminal justice system, from the use of cash bail and pretrial detention to jury selection to plea bargaining to sentencing to parole and pardons.

 

Proving systemic bias is complex, and there is evidence suggesting, for example, that class disparities play a significant role in explaining the disparate results. A 2018 analysis published by the left-leaning People’s Policy Project concluded that “mass incarceration in the United States is primarily a system of locking up lower-class men — one which ends up disproportionately imprisoning black men, since they are far more likely to be lower class than white men.”

 

A 2019 study by Boston University researchers found that black men were far more likely to be shot by police in predominantly African American neighborhoods than in less racially segregated neighborhoods. And conservative writers such as the Manhattan Institute’s Heather Mac Donald assert that evidence of disparities in police shootings fail to take into account “crime rates and civilian behavior before and during interactions with police.”

 

None of this proves the absence of a systemic problem — it suggests a deeper one, a matter of entrenched and extreme inequality that goes beyond the criminal justice system itself to the broader questions of lingering racial inequities in the United States...

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Report to the United Nations on Racial Disparities in the U.S. Criminal Justice System

 

The United States criminal justice system is the largest in the world. At year end 2015, over 6.7 million individuals1) were under some form of correctional control in the United States, including 2.2 million incarcerated in federal, state, or local prisons and jails.2) The U.S. is a world leader in its rate of incarceration, dwarfing the rate of nearly every other nation.3)

 

Such broad statistics mask the racial disparity that pervades the U.S. criminal justice system, and for African Americans in particular. African Americans are more likely than white Americans to be arrested; once arrested, they are more likely to be convicted; and once convicted, and they are more likely to experience lengthy prison sentences. African-American adults are 5.9 times as likely to be incarcerated than whites and Hispanics are 3.1 times as likely.

 

As of 2001, one of every three black boys born in that year could expect to go to prison in his lifetime, as could one of every six Latinos—compared to one of every seventeen white boys.5) Racial and ethnic disparities among women are less substantial than among men but remain prevalent.6)

 

The source of such disparities is deeper and more systemic than explicit racial discrimination. The United States in effect operates two distinct criminal justice systems: one for wealthy people and another for poor people and people of color. The wealthy can access a vigorous adversary system replete with constitutional protections for defendants.

 

Yet the experiences of poor and minority defendants within the criminal justice system often differ substantially from that model due to a number of factors, each of which contributes to the overrepresentation of such individuals in the system. As former Georgetown Law Professor David Cole states in his book No Equal Justice,

 

These double standards are not, of course, explicit; on the face of it, the criminal law is color-blind and class-blind. But in a sense, this only makes the problem worse. The rhetoric of the criminal justice system sends the message that our society carefully protects everyone’s constitutional rights, but in practice the rules assure that law enforcement prerogatives will generally prevail over the rights of minorities and the poor.

 

By affording criminal suspects substantial constitutional rights in theory, the Supreme Court validates the results of the criminal justice system as fair. That formal fairness obscures the systemic concerns that ought to be raised by the fact that the prison population is overwhelmingly poor and disproportionately black.

 

By creating and perpetuating policies that allow such racial disparities to exist in its criminal justice system, the United States is in violation of its obligations under Article 2 and Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to ensure that all its residents—regardless of race—are treated equally under the law.

 

The Sentencing Project notes that the United Nations Special Rapporteur is working to consult with U.S. civil society organizations on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, and related intolerance. We welcome this opportunity to provide the UN Special Rapporteur with an accurate assessment of racial disparity in the U.S. criminal justice system.

 

Established in 1986, The Sentencing Project works for a fair and effective U.S. criminal justice system by promoting reforms in sentencing policy, addressing unjust racial disparities and practices, and advocating for alternatives to incarceration.

 

Staff of The Sentencing Project have testified before the U.S. Congress and state legislative bodies and have submitted amicus curiae briefs to the Supreme Court of the United States on various issues related to incarceration and criminal justice policy. The organization’s research findings are regularly relied upon by policymakers and covered by major news outlets.

 

This report chronicles the racial disparity that permeates every stage of the United States criminal justice system, from arrest to trial to sentencing to post prison experiences. In particular, the report highlights research findings that address rates of racial disparity and their underlying causes throughout the criminal justice system.

 

The report concludes by offering recommendations on ways that federal, state, and local officials in the United States can work to eliminate racial disparity in the criminal justice system and uphold its obligations under the Covenant.

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Here, let more anti-Racism truths, set you free from your hatred of Negros:

 

 

 

Proactive policing, as a strategic approach used by police agencies to prevent crime, is a relatively new phenomenon in the United States. It developed from a crisis in confidence in policing that began to emerge in the 1960s because of social unrest, rising crime rates, and growing skepticism regarding the effectiveness of standard approaches to policing. In response, beginning in the 1980s and 1990s, innovative police practices and policies that took a more proactive approach began to develop.

 

This report uses the term “proactive policing” to refer to all policing strategies that have as one of their goals the prevention or reduction of crime and disorder and that are not reactive in terms of focusing primarily on uncovering ongoing crime or on investigating or responding to crimes once they have occurred.

 

Proactive policing is distinguished from the everyday decisions of police officers to be proactive in specific situations and instead refers to a strategic decision by police agencies to use proactive police responses in a programmatic way to reduce crime. Today, proactive policing strategies are used widely in the United States. They are not isolated programs used by a select group of agencies but rather a set of ideas that have spread across the landscape of policing.

 

Proactive Policing reviews the evidence and discusses the data and methodological gaps on: (1) the effects of different forms of proactive policing on crime; (2) whether they are applied in a discriminatory manner; (3) whether they are being used in a legal fashion; and (4) community reaction. This report offers a comprehensive evaluation of proactive policing that includes not only its crime prevention impacts but also its broader implications for justice and U.S. communities...

 

 

...

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Racial Bias and Disparities in Proactive Policing

The high rates at which non-Whites are stopped, questioned, cited, arrested, or injured by the police present some of the most salient criminal justice policy phenomena in the United States (Kochel, Wilson, and Mastrofski, 2011Lytle, 2014).

 

Because these kinds of police contact are associated with at least some forms of what is known as proactive policing, recognition of this reality is an important starting point for this chapter.

 

Additionally, because many proactive policing strategies by design increase the volume of interactions between police and the public, such strategies may increase the overall opportunity for problematic interactions that have disparate impacts.

 

Concerns about the interaction between race and policing are not new. For example, researchers have been studying differential stop and arrest rates across demographic groups—and more generally, racial disparities in criminal justice involvement, offending, and the likelihood of becoming a crime victim—for several decades (see, e.g., Sampson and Lauritsen, 1997Tonry, 1995).

 

Nonetheless, several recent high-profile incidents of police shootings and other police–citizen interactions caught on camera and viewed widely have made questions regarding basic fairness, racial discrimination, and the excessive use of force of all forms against non-Whites in the United States a pressing national issue.

 

In considering these incidents, it is important to note that the origins of policing in the United States are intimately interwoven with the country’s history of discrimination against non-White people, particularly toward Black people.

 

From the tracking and kidnapping of enslaved Black people (Campbell, 2012) to the regulation of Black movement (Loewen, 2005) and the criminalization of Black bodies for the purpose of economic exploitation (Lichtenstein, 1996), police officers have often been the enforcement arm of both explicitly racist and tacitly discriminatory norms and laws.

 

Although some of the more egregious historical practices ended a long time ago, others ended later and within the living memory of many Americans—and all are remembered as part of the collective history shared by Black and other non-White communities. From this perspective, it is easy to see how the nation’s history is intrinsically linked to misgivings some non-White Americans continue to have about possible police animus and racial bias.

And it is by no means clear that explicit animus-driven biases against non-Whites, or examples of racial animus by the police, are a thing of the past. There are certainly many examples of such problems in specific police departments, and some police agencies, as we noted in Chapter 3, have entered consent decrees to address U.S. Department of Justice findings of racial disparities in outcomes and racial bias in police practices.

 

The purpose of this chapter is to explore whether and to what extent proactive policing policies are deployed in a racially disparate way, if racial differences in implementation are due to racially biased behavior, and if so, what the motivation is for the bias. But before examining the evidence on these questions, we begin by defining and discussing the terminology used throughout the chapter.

 

Racial Disparity Racial disparities refer to objective differences that exist in the real world. The report uses the term racial disparity to denote outcomes that differ by race or ethnicity. For example, if in a certain community, Black people experience greater levels of poverty than White people and per capita, Black people are arrested more frequently for violent crime than White people, then these would be racial disparities in poverty and in arrest rates for violent crime. A critical point is that these differences can be discussed without assuming that race, per se, gives rise to the observed differences. For example, Black people may be arrested more frequently in part because they experience greater poverty.

 

Racially Biased Behavior As used in this report, the term racial bias refers to a difference in a person’s behavior that is attributable to the race or ethnicity of another person. For example, if a police officer decides to stop and frisk Person A (who is Black), but does not stop Person B (who is White), and if the officer bases that decision entirely or in part on race, that behavior would constitute racial bias. Racial profiling is a subset of racially biased behaviors, as defined by the committee (see Chapter 3).

To be clear, racial bias refers only to behavior and as used in this report is entirely agnostic as to the psychological motives or other causes that gave rise to that behavior. Potential causes include racial animus, statistical prediction, or other risk factors (see below).

 

Racial Animus The report will use the term racial animus to describe negative attitudes toward a racial or ethnic group or toward members of such a group. For example, an officer may dislike Black or Latino people, and this attitude may lead to the racially biased behavior of an officer stopping Black or Latino people more frequently than White people with otherwise identical characteristics to those stopped. Racial animus thus refers to an internal, mental evaluation of individuals or groups based on race. Note that racial animus may give rise to racial bias in behavior, but it is certainly possible that an individual who harbors racial animus does not act on it. In such a case there would be racial animus but not racial bias in behavior. This report will use the phrase “racial animus” synonymously with “racial prejudice,” although social psychologists differentiate between the two dispositions.

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Ever pay attention to the way a negro operates a motor vehicle? If the vehicle is operating in a manner that's exhibiting strange and unusual antics........95.8% of the time it has a negro operator.

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10 hours ago, Scout said:

 

This guy is considered to be the world's smartest conservative.

 

 

BWAAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHA!

So you don't deny it...good to know...

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2 hours ago, EltonJohnson said:

 

 

Ok.. when does a zygote become a human being?  Scientifically speaking.

They call it what they want to feel better about themselves while justifying murder...

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1 minute ago, ROG62 said:

They call it what they want to feel better about themselves while justifying murder...

 

 

@Scout made the point and then ran away from defending it. 

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11 hours ago, EltonJohnson said:

 

 

Ok.. when does a zygote become a human being?  Scientifically speaking.

 

A zygote is NEVER equal to a human.  

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7 minutes ago, Scout said:

 

A zygote is NEVER equal to a human.  

 

That was not the  question  asked.

 

Answer the  question 

 

. when does a zygote become a human being?  Scientifically speaking.

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4 minutes ago, EltonJohnson said:

 

That was not the  question  asked.

 

Answer the  question 

 

. when does a zygote become a human being?  Scientifically speaking.

Well, 'when does a zygote become a human being' isn't this thread.  

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11 hours ago, RebelGator said:

Ever pay attention to the way a negro operates a motor vehicle? If the vehicle is operating in a manner that's exhibiting strange and unusual antics........95.8% of the time it has a negro operator.

 

This gives the unfortunate impression that you've potentially fallen, victim, to some of the flagrant phenomena listed in those studies I posted above re: our negro allies in the USA.

 

Good luck in your travels bro, and I wish for your unfair biases to be gone from your frontier some day.

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22 minutes ago, Scout said:

Well, 'when does a zygote become a human being' isn't this thread.  

 

 

you  don't have the   scientific  acumen  to answer is all you had to  say.

 

it so obvious

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1 minute ago, EltonJohnson said:

 

 

you  don't have the   scientific  acumen  to answer is all you had to  say.

 

it so obvious

 

I think you should worry about your ability to construct a sentence before fretting about somebody else's scientific acumen.  

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28 minutes ago, Scout said:

Well, 'when does a zygote become a human being' isn't this thread.  

Nice deflection....

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11 hours ago, RebelGator said:

Ever pay attention to the way a negro operates a motor vehicle? If the vehicle is operating in a manner that's exhibiting strange and unusual antics........95.8% of the time it has a negro operator.

from my experience, it is because the driver is very young or on their cellphone. 

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10 minutes ago, ROG62 said:

Nice deflection....

 

Thank you, but mine was only a reaction to the previous deflection.  :D 

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