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Johnmackburn

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  1. Read the above thats not the reason, you cant have prewritten answers. This is an actual forum. Your anser doesnt explain 80 percent difference in sentences for same crime between black men and white women. FROM PIECE These disparities aren't explained by genetic, or social variation between the genders and races. The differences are the result of systemic bias in arrest, convictions, and sentencing. African American men are largely incarcerated for poverty crimes such as low-level drug offenses, failure to make child support payments and driving without a license. As stated by Columbia University Professor of Education and African American Studies, Marc Lamont Hill in the MSNBC video segment above. We want be careful not to suggest mass incarceration is due to some kind of cultural poverty, as if poor people or black people are more prone to go to prison. The fact is black people are targeted to go to prison more. If I went to Harvard University or Princeton University on a Friday night I could arrest a lot of people for simple possession of drugs, for public drunkenness, public urination or disorderly conduct. But, were not looking at Harvard or Princeton. We go to poorer neighborhoods like in New York where 3 counties produce 70 percent of the state's prisoners.
  2. FULL ARTICLE http://www.huffingtonpost.com/antonio-moore/the-fallout-from-american_b_7919712.html Mass incarceration has become one of the most debated criminal justice issues in American media. Through this dialogue a movement to decrease the number of people imprisoned has gained momentum, as we have realized the error in the model of incarceration used over the last 30 years in the United States. Interestingly, the reality of the systems truly unfair application, and the resulting fallout has not been covered fully. American incarceration is not a problem with consequences that have been levied evenly across gender, and racial lines. Even though they are only 6 percent of the U.S. population a mere 19 million people counting children, African American males make up nearly half of all American prisoners (with a total of around 800,000 people imprisoned). This represents a 559 percent increase in the number of black men behind bars since 1980. The incarceration rate for young black men ages 20 to 39, is nearly 10,000 per 100,000. To give context, during the racial discrimination of apartheid in South Africa, the prison rate for black male South Africans, rose to 851 per 100,000. As shown in the chart above, the incarceration rates for black males are in contrast to much lower numbers for other groups. Despite the images portrayed by shows like Orange is the New Black, nationally there are a relatively small number of women of all races behind bars. 93 percent of the total number of Americans incarcerated are men, and only 7 percent are women. Of the over 2 million Americans incarcerated, only 200,000 are women. In the piece, "Men Sentenced To Longer Prison Terms Than Women For Same Crimes", the role gender plays in sentencing after conviction is reviewed. Sonja Starr, an assistant law professor at the University of Michigan, found that men are given much higher sentences than women convicted of the same crimes in federal court. The study found that men receive sentences that are 63 percent higher, on average, than their female counterparts. Compounding the above discrepancy in incarceration between genders, is a gap in punishment between black and white men. Black men often get longer sentences than white men for the same crime. The Wall Street Journal article, "Racial Gap in Men's Sentencing" states,"... sentences of black males were 19.5 percent longer than those for whites." These disparities aren't explained by genetic, or social variation between the genders and races. The differences are the result of systemic bias in arrest, convictions, and sentencing. African American men are largely incarcerated for poverty crimes such as low-level drug offenses, failure to make child support payments and driving without a license. As stated by Columbia University Professor of Education and African American Studies, Marc Lamont Hill in the MSNBC video segment above. We want be careful not to suggest mass incarceration is due to some kind of cultural poverty, as if poor people or black people are more prone to go to prison. The fact is black people are targeted to go to prison more. If I went to Harvard University or Princeton University on a Friday night I could arrest a lot of people for simple possession of drugs, for public drunkenness, public urination or disorderly conduct. But, were not looking at Harvard or Princeton. We go to poorer neighborhoods like in New York where 3 counties produce 70 percent of the state's prisoners. The immense gap in levying of punishment plays a major role in our social decision of who is prone to criminal behavior, even before an act is ever committed. It effects who gets stopped and frisked allowing an officer to find their common possession level drug crime, and who does not. Who is seen as integral to the home as a parent and given probation, and who is not. Who is seen as safe, and who is not. Effectively, who is seen as a valuable part of our society, and who is deemed expendable. Imprisonment inequity is one of the foundational pillars of the American mass incarceration model. In a growing sense, fairness for all seems more illusory than actual. Part of the issue is our incarceration system is now burdened with quotas built into many private prison agreements with state governments. The piece, "Prison Quotas Push Lawmakers To Fill Beds" shows this: Far from the exception, Arizona's contractually obligated promise to fill prison beds is a common provision in a majority of America's private prison contracts, according to a public records analysis released today by the advocacy group In the Public Interest. The group reviewed more than 60 contracts between private prison companies and state and local governments across the country, and found language mentioning quotas for prisoners in nearly two-thirds of those analyzed ... Private prison corporations emerged in the 1980s and 1990s, at a time when crime rates were soaring and states were scrambling to keep up with surging prison populations. Lawmakers needed quick alternatives, and looked to private prisons as an overflow valve to house inmates who were overcrowding the existing state systems. But as state prison populations have started to decline in recent years, advocates point to occupancy guarantees as long-term obligations that raise core questions about who benefits from the service: the state, or the prison contractor? 2013_09_PrivatePrisons.pn The problem is as a society we don't commit enough crimes to service the prison population numbers that states agreed upon in these contracts. How did we get to the place we are at now? Where effectively, it has been deemed the lives of young black men are the sacrificial lamb to cover the shortfall in these contractual prison debts that are now due.
  3. FULL ARTICLE http://www.huffingtonpost.com/antonio-moore/the-fallout-from-american_b_7919712.html Mass incarceration has become one of the most debated criminal justice issues in American media. Through this dialogue a movement to decrease the number of people imprisoned has gained momentum, as we have realized the error in the model of incarceration used over the last 30 years in the United States. Interestingly, the reality of the systems truly unfair application, and the resulting fallout has not been covered fully. American incarceration is not a problem with consequences that have been levied evenly across gender, and racial lines. Even though they are only 6 percent of the U.S. population a mere 19 million people counting children, African American males make up nearly half of all American prisoners (with a total of around 800,000 people imprisoned). This represents a 559 percent increase in the number of black men behind bars since 1980. The incarceration rate for young black men ages 20 to 39, is nearly 10,000 per 100,000. To give context, during the racial discrimination of apartheid in South Africa, the prison rate for black male South Africans, rose to 851 per 100,000. As shown in the chart above, the incarceration rates for black males are in contrast to much lower numbers for other groups. Despite the images portrayed by shows like Orange is the New Black, nationally there are a relatively small number of women of all races behind bars. 93 percent of the total number of Americans incarcerated are men, and only 7 percent are women. Of the over 2 million Americans incarcerated, only 200,000 are women. In the piece, "Men Sentenced To Longer Prison Terms Than Women For Same Crimes", the role gender plays in sentencing after conviction is reviewed. Sonja Starr, an assistant law professor at the University of Michigan, found that men are given much higher sentences than women convicted of the same crimes in federal court. The study found that men receive sentences that are 63 percent higher, on average, than their female counterparts. Compounding the above discrepancy in incarceration between genders, is a gap in punishment between black and white men. Black men often get longer sentences than white men for the same crime. The Wall Street Journal article, "Racial Gap in Men's Sentencing" states,"... sentences of black males were 19.5 percent longer than those for whites." These disparities aren't explained by genetic, or social variation between the genders and races. The differences are the result of systemic bias in arrest, convictions, and sentencing. African American men are largely incarcerated for poverty crimes such as low-level drug offenses, failure to make child support payments and driving without a license. As stated by Columbia University Professor of Education and African American Studies, Marc Lamont Hill in the MSNBC video segment above. We want be careful not to suggest mass incarceration is due to some kind of cultural poverty, as if poor people or black people are more prone to go to prison. The fact is black people are targeted to go to prison more. If I went to Harvard University or Princeton University on a Friday night I could arrest a lot of people for simple possession of drugs, for public drunkenness, public urination or disorderly conduct. But, were not looking at Harvard or Princeton. We go to poorer neighborhoods like in New York where 3 counties produce 70 percent of the state's prisoners. The immense gap in levying of punishment plays a major role in our social decision of who is prone to criminal behavior, even before an act is ever committed. It effects who gets stopped and frisked allowing an officer to find their common possession level drug crime, and who does not. Who is seen as integral to the home as a parent and given probation, and who is not. Who is seen as safe, and who is not. Effectively, who is seen as a valuable part of our society, and who is deemed expendable. Imprisonment inequity is one of the foundational pillars of the American mass incarceration model. In a growing sense, fairness for all seems more illusory than actual. Part of the issue is our incarceration system is now burdened with quotas built into many private prison agreements with state governments. The piece, "Prison Quotas Push Lawmakers To Fill Beds" shows this: Far from the exception, Arizona's contractually obligated promise to fill prison beds is a common provision in a majority of America's private prison contracts, according to a public records analysis released today by the advocacy group In the Public Interest. The group reviewed more than 60 contracts between private prison companies and state and local governments across the country, and found language mentioning quotas for prisoners in nearly two-thirds of those analyzed ... Private prison corporations emerged in the 1980s and 1990s, at a time when crime rates were soaring and states were scrambling to keep up with surging prison populations. Lawmakers needed quick alternatives, and looked to private prisons as an overflow valve to house inmates who were overcrowding the existing state systems. But as state prison populations have started to decline in recent years, advocates point to occupancy guarantees as long-term obligations that raise core questions about who benefits from the service: the state, or the prison contractor? 2013_09_PrivatePrisons.pn The problem is as a society we don't commit enough crimes to service the prison population numbers that states agreed upon in these contracts. How did we get to the place we are at now? Where effectively, it has been deemed the lives of young black men are the sacrificial lamb to cover the shortfall in these contractual prison debts that are now due.
  4. FULL STORY http://www.huffingtonpost.com/antonio-moore/the-state-of-our-imperfec_1_b_7540060.html On election night November 4th, 2008, when Barack Obama walked out to accept the presidency with his wife and young daughters by his side, his every step forward seemed to represent a leap of racial progress by the United States. As he took the oath at the beginning of 2009, his inauguration represented the hope that a corner had been turned regarding race in America. Between the Cosby show being broadcast into homes across the country as the ideal version of the all American family, Jay-Z and Beyonce's ascension to the global image of the U.S. celebrity power couple, and Oprah's meteoric self-made rise signifying a lifting of the black economic position overall. There was a feeling a "Change We Can Believe In" was in the air. It appeared America was poised to advance past its racial history, into a bright new post-racial future. President Obama was the visualization of this next post-racial stride, born of white and black parents, educated at Harvard, and representing a form of black leader that was more centered as a general election politician. His very presence was the archetype of an ideal for our country's next phase on race. A natural step past our historical ills, and a way to move beyond slavery, despite the fact black Americans still had not even received a formal apology for the institution's lasting effects. As we enter the last leg of President Obama's second term, and he molds the final parts of his racial legacy with a recent announcement of plans to attack housing segregation. We can now begin to look back and question the actions he has made, evaluating the effects of his policy choices on closing the massive opportunity gap that exist between blacks and whites in America. Many have criticized him regarding what they perceive as his administration's inaction on racial issues. As stated in the Washington Post piece, "Obama tried to outsource his racial legacy" by Paul Butler The African Americans who danced in the streets of Harlem when Obama was first elected did not expect that the president would, in four or eight years, reverse centuries of entrenched subjugation. But they did assume he would make racial justice a significant part of his platform. They were sadly mistaken. It is undeniable that his presence has represented a movement in America's political mindset. A country that only 50 years prior had held black Americans in the status of second class citizens, has now voted a black man into the highest office in the land. President Obama won with the vote of a broad base of supporters across a vast array of ethnic and socioeconomic lines. Yet, it cannot be understated that the delivery of the African American vote with unparalleled turnout was a key to his election wins. His election was believed by many to be the mark of the achievement of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s dream of equality. President Obama served as an indicator that we as a nation could finally look beyond color, and elect on more than appearance, and ethnic origin.
  5. FULL STORY http://www.huffingtonpost.com/antonio-moore/the-state-of-our-imperfec_1_b_7540060.html On election night November 4th, 2008, when Barack Obama walked out to accept the presidency with his wife and young daughters by his side, his every step forward seemed to represent a leap of racial progress by the United States. As he took the oath at the beginning of 2009, his inauguration represented the hope that a corner had been turned regarding race in America. Between the Cosby show being broadcast into homes across the country as the ideal version of the all American family, Jay-Z and Beyonce's ascension to the global image of the U.S. celebrity power couple, and Oprah's meteoric self-made rise signifying a lifting of the black economic position overall. There was a feeling a "Change We Can Believe In" was in the air. It appeared America was poised to advance past its racial history, into a bright new post-racial future. President Obama was the visualization of this next post-racial stride, born of white and black parents, educated at Harvard, and representing a form of black leader that was more centered as a general election politician. His very presence was the archetype of an ideal for our country's next phase on race. A natural step past our historical ills, and a way to move beyond slavery, despite the fact black Americans still had not even received a formal apology for the institution's lasting effects. As we enter the last leg of President Obama's second term, and he molds the final parts of his racial legacy with a recent announcement of plans to attack housing segregation. We can now begin to look back and question the actions he has made, evaluating the effects of his policy choices on closing the massive opportunity gap that exist between blacks and whites in America. Many have criticized him regarding what they perceive as his administration's inaction on racial issues. As stated in the Washington Post piece, "Obama tried to outsource his racial legacy" by Paul Butler The African Americans who danced in the streets of Harlem when Obama was first elected did not expect that the president would, in four or eight years, reverse centuries of entrenched subjugation. But they did assume he would make racial justice a significant part of his platform. They were sadly mistaken. It is undeniable that his presence has represented a movement in America's political mindset. A country that only 50 years prior had held black Americans in the status of second class citizens, has now voted a black man into the highest office in the land. President Obama won with the vote of a broad base of supporters across a vast array of ethnic and socioeconomic lines. Yet, it cannot be understated that the delivery of the African American vote with unparalleled turnout was a key to his election wins. His election was believed by many to be the mark of the achievement of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s dream of equality. President Obama served as an indicator that we as a nation could finally look beyond color, and elect on more than appearance, and ethnic origin.
  6. Great Article Visit Comment, Share and press like. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/antonio-moore/from-black-celebrities-to-black-women-will-black-america-support-hillary-clinton-for-president_b_7083944.html Excerpt The fanfare around Hillary Clinton's nomination has been at a fervor for months. Unquestionably she stands as the likely next Democratic presidential nominee, and the first woman to have a legitimate shot at the White House. Yet, the question remains: Will Black America turn out in support? Will she have the same support African Americans gave President Barack Obama in 2008 or even in 2012? According to the article "Voter Turnout Increases by 5 Million in 2008 Presidential Election" published by the U.S. Census: About 131 million people reported voting in the 2008 U.S. presidential election, an increase of five million from 2004, according to a new table package released today by the U.S. Census Bureau. The increase included about two million more Black voters... Blacks had the highest turnout rate among 18- to 24-year-old voters -- 55 percent, an eight percent increase from 2004. Looking at voter turnout by race and Hispanic origin, non-Hispanic whites (66 percent) and Blacks (65 percent) had the highest levels in the November 2008 election. ABC polls also noted in 2008, 96 percent of the African Americans that turned out were expected to vote for President Barack Obama. These Black votes came at a low political cost; little if no direct promises to fulfill were made to Black America. The Black votes were simply based on the faith that President Barack Obama's presence in the White House meant more for Black people than any singular legislative action. In general regardless of his lack of stance on the campaign trail, there was a belief amongst African Americans he would have their interest at heart once elected. This type of support allowed now President Obama to focus on many other voting demographic groups during his campaigns. The issues of groups that would require a commitment to policy to sway their vote at election time were addressed directly. Support of gay marriage, a push for a comprehensive immigration reform and a stand on women's rights were all part of a broad platform. Black America will hardly make the same blind commitment to Clinton. As African Americans felt the impact of the last several years, their position on economic inequality, mass incarceration and voter suppression hardened. All of which must be addressed directly if Clinton is to get Black support in the coming election. As stated by veteran political strategist Charles D. Ellison in his recent article on TheRoot.com, Hillary will "need a solid 90 percent-plus share of the black vote to win. President Obama received 95 percent of it in 2008, 93 percent in 2012." But it is turnout that will likely play the key role in 2016, once at the voter box as a block Black Americans tend to vote Democratic. Despite people's memory of President Bill Clinton's popularity in the African American community, the black turnout in 1996 for President Bill Clinton's second election, was a low of 53 percent. If this repeats itself in 2016, Hillary will be in for a long night next November. See More at full article http://www.huffingtonpost.com/antonio-moore/from-black-celebrities-to-black-women-will-black-america-support-hillary-clinton-for-president_b_7083944.html
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